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Keno's national position gained him respect in Cascavel and Paraná and throughout the nation; because of his actions, his death became "imminent," Gabas said.Keno and other leaders, he said, participated in a "takeover" of Syngenta, a Swiss global agrochemical company that does genomic research and markets seeds and pesticides."Farmers all over Brazil break this law, but the government is trying to strengthen the law.And large farms and commercial farms and companies are fighting with the government to weaken the law." "Agrarian reform is not only the concern of those who camp, it is also the concern of people like the 'reverendo' in urban areas," he said.
"I have always acted with social work, not only here, but also in São Paolo," Gabas, a former Roman Catholic priest, said in Portuguese through an interpreter during an interview in Cascavel in May.
Sister Dorothy Stang, an American-born Roman Catholic nun who worked with the Catholic Church's pastoral land commission, is counted among the many activists who have been murdered.
Thirty-four people were killed in conflicts over land in 2010.
Gabas' involvement Iris Maracáípe, a leader in the movement, lives with her two sons in the Valmir Motta de Oliveira settlement, named for her husband, near Cascavel. The camp's children attend a nearby government school. Gabas became more involved with the MST after Keno's death.
Motta, or "Keno," as he was commonly known in his role as one of the movement's national leaders, was assassinated Oct. The settlement sits just off the road in the foreground of a large industrial farm. The two men were not close, as Keno acted at the national level and Gabas at the regional level, but they knew each other and talked regularly, Gabas explained.A family can leave the land to its children, but the land signed over to the MST never can be turned over to commercial use if the family leaves.